USA Turkish Times - The second half of the game begins

The second half of the game begins

Mehmet Ali Birand - The truth is, it could not be understood to what extent the Constitutional Court's decision was a legal decision and to what extent it was a political one. There was such pressure on the court that it is not hard to imagine the difficult conditions the 11 judges found themselves in.

The military clearly said “Accept the 367 rule.”

Lead by the Republican People's Party (CHP), the opposition also insisted on the 367 rule. CHP went a step further and pressured the court even more by saying, “If the 367 rule is not accepted, then there will be clashes in Turkey.”

The markets' message was, “If the 367 decision is not accepted, there will be an economical crisis.”

Even the Justice and Development Party (AKP) covertly sent signals to the court along the lines of “Accept the 367 so that this crisis can be done with.”

In such a case, what would you think if you were in the shoes of the Constitutional Court judges?

When all the weight of the country rests on your shoulders, when you feel that if you do not satisfy the expectations, the country will fall into a disaster, would you still choose “law” or would you say “in the name of the motherland” that “367 is necessary” even if you do not embrace it?

I leave the answer to you.

Next…

We are now entering a brand new era.

The score right now is 1-1.

The military scored the first goal.

The tie came with the AKP's declaration.

And the referee (the Constitutional Court) blew the whistle and ended the first half. Now the second half starts.

Conditions for the second half are much different. The AKP is changing the rules of the game. It is carrying the game to the opposite team's field.

Erdoğan is clearly calling “I dare you.”

Now that he could not have the president elected, now that he received a memo from the General Staff, he resorts to the public. Nobody can oppose this approach. If there is democracy in this country, then nobody can object to this suggestion.

The AKP is doing the right thing by resorting to the public. This is the only one way out of such confusion.

However, there is one more point that needs to be remembered. And that is, all players from this point on should pay attention to the military's memo.

It may not end with this warning.

Anyone that is somehow familiar with the Turkish Armed Forces knows that the General Staff will not say, “Oh well, we have done what we could.” I am not saying the government should do what the military says. What I am trying to say is that, as much as the sensitivities of the secular groups, the General Staff's e-memo, whether we find it right or wrong, should also be taken into account with each step.

The opposition should give up on provoking the military and the government should be more perceptive in the steps it will be taking.

The era of de facto coups is over in Turkey. Now the era of memos should also end.

All of us should have the aim of putting back on track the derailed democracy train. Let's get the train going once again; we can establish new balances in the future.

The day is not the day to get even.

The day is the day to make it through the road accident.

Gül is right about the EU

The surprises of Tuesday evening were not limited to the Constitutional Court's decision. The participation of presidential nominee Abdullah Gül in the “Enine Boyuna” program on state-owned TRT television was also interesting. The discussion led by Fehmi Koru was exquisite. Some participating colleagues asked for the masses. Just to be able to say, “See how I asked,” they followed an ideological approach. Meanwhile, some others asked journalistic questions that made us all wonder.

Gül was relaxed. He gave a self-confident, conciliatory image. What affected me the most was his answer about the European Union (EU). The answer he gave to the criticism that the AKP wanted the EU to be able to bind the hands of the military was very interesting.

He said: “The ones to really benefit from the EU would be the secularists that filled up the squares in Tandoğan and Çağlayan, and a Turkey ruled by political Islam or by a fundamentalist team would not be able to enter Europe.”

He pointed out that a regime like Iran's could not become a EU member.

It is a very accurate analysis.

Europe does not accept the barracks, the church, or the mosque.

But if Gül is sincere about what he said, let us see what he will do in the case that the AKP stays in government in the aftermath of the elections. Will he restart the reforms? Or will he take things lighter?

There is a fact: Whenever Turkey drifts away from the EU, an internal stir arises.

If the AKP is smart even a bit, then it will embrace the EU once again.

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